Boti Falls

On the first of July, it was a holiday. Sisters, kids and I were off to Boti Falls, in the Eastern Region of Ghana. We arrived early about 9 am. Posters displayed everywhere “Boti Falls First Annual July 1^st Festival.” As we enter the gait, there were two prices one for Ghanaian and one for expats. We attempted to argue Emma is a Ghanaian and Krobo (Solomon's tribe), presented our last name, through vicious arguing from all of us, we lost this battle. People were setting up food booths music was blasting. We descended down the 250 steps to reach the pool of the waterfall. The surroundings were green and lush. To one corner of the pool the mist blew soaking the ground, plant and people who ventured there. The waterfalls were rushing loudly. The falls are split into two. The female on the left and the male on the right. This time of the year, the rainy season, is the best time to see the falls. Later in the rainy season the guide explained that the two falls can meet in the middle.

Back up the 250 stairs with Zinetta on my back. We ate some, relaxed, tried some fresh palm wine. Palm win is a whitish, slightly bubbly, sweetish wine that is tapped from a palm tree. Then we were ready to leave, so we exited the gait to find masses to enter. We said, “Wow we are glad we came early.” Until we reached our little blue car trapped among hug travel buses, private cars and tro-tros. We thought we parked in a good exit spot. Seriously trapped, no one leaving for hours. No parking rules, park where you can and get out any way you can. No drivers present in any of the cars that need to make way for us to leave the madness. Solomon's sister and husband attempted to find the drivers for two vehicles, as they were school affiliated and all wore there school uniform shirt. After much time, Emma's cousin said, I saw a driver of that car! We chased this lady down and begged her to move her car out so we could exit. She agreed to help, but his meant I had to drive through this wet ditch area and then up to the road. Well I had to try. I loaded kids up got the right position and tried, needed to go faster or I will get stuck... and then boom we erupted up on the concrete. We made it. I thanked the lady who let me out and we were off to home.                

No Gas in Ghana!

A few days ago, the availability of gas went away. The news was that the government has not paid the oil companies, so the supply of as is no longer. My sister and I were driving home from the market in Medina, we saw a couple of gas stations still pumping. The lines were unbelievable. There was one little gas station in our town that was still pumping. As we drove my car began to sputter and run out of gas. Luckily through the slow down and speed ups, we made it to join the line. Yellow fendered taxi’s, mixed with private cars stuffed the gas station. The picture represents only the beginning of the chaos. As we weaved our way through the line, 2 hrs later, we made it to the 1 pump nozzle that serviced all. There were lines of yellow cans to be filled. Lines of cars. Lines of motorcycles that entered the front of the line. All the people from the cars gathered around the pump calling the 1 man to service them first. There was no system to the filling, who ever draws the attention of the pumper or who knows who was how it worked. Finally we reached the pump and argued our way in. Being able to argue well even when your wrong is a trait I think I need to learn. Some people argued for us to fill the woman’s car first, as these were mostly men getting gas. Due to the elderly gentlemen who was in the taxi directly behind, he was able to push us through so he could be next. As we were pumping, they were trying to not fill the car and only give us a small amount of gas. We were able to almost fill it full. Now our 'petrol' is on conservation.

I guess this happens about once a year. It is not a common problem like rotating power outages. Power is out today, which does not cause much havoc during the day. It will come back on in a few hours. Havoc will be caused though as the “football games are on and the TV is not!” Or more havoc for me is the lack of fan to cool me down while I try and sleep. Last night fan went off and on through out the night. My sheet went on and off, on and off.

The the return of gas is unknown, but people think it will not be long. I hope it does not linger long. This could severely effect the economy.

Stolen I Phone

Well it has almost been a month since our arrival in Ghana. A quick update before my story. Kids are in school and we are all adjusting well to the changes. It is the rainy season so the weather is actually mind and nice around 80 degrees. This is my first blog posting for you all. I hope to write at least weekly on new experiences. So my first story is about my stolen Iphone 5.

Before coming to Ghana, Solomon informed me not to leave phone or money etc by our windows as someone could easily push screen back and reach in room to get wanted item. We do have glass windows and burglar proof, however screen can be slid back. The week after Solomon returned home his family, the kids and I were preparing dinner and then ate in back of house near kitchen area. During this process, I remember setting my orange cased Iphone on the head of the bed semi under book that I am reading “Gone Girl.” I consciously thought the phone will be ok under the book here this far from window. Well not! Sometime with in less than an hour I went to find phone and is was gone. So my sister called the number and someone answered it and then hung up. Two amazing things, my husband recently made me put a passcode on my phone and also enacted “find my phone” before leaving for Ghana. As the evening progressed my sister call the number back and the thief answered and said he needed something off of this phone and that he wanted us to give him the passcode. Obviously we did not. Over the next few days Solomon was able to track my phone using find my phone to a near by home in Ayikuma, where we live. Just down the path off the main road and under the big identifying lone tree. For days the phone was turned off so we could no longer track it. We were trying to figure out a strategy to get the phone back, should we pay them money for it, go to the house and try and retrieve it. If we went alone to house, unfortunately, it would just be a bad situation.

Relying on the Ghana police is not something that is used. Police are easily bribed to get out of trouble or often stop at check points and try and get a few cedi's (local money) from you. Well I still decided to try the police station in Dodowa, our near by town. It is a small building off the side road painted blue on the bottom and tanish/yellow on the top, as most are painted. My sister and I went into the station to make a report and have an officer go to the house with us to retrieve the phone. The office at the counter took the information down for a report and told us to wait. We waited and waited, very common theme here. Finally we met with the “investigator” women I a back room and I wrote my statement. I was insisting that I can track the phone using the other Iphone that I had in my hand. I could find the exact location of the phone on a map. She was not too thrilled or believing this. I showed her a picture of the map and location that Solomon found days earlier. Unfortunately, the phone had been switched off for days and even this morning that we were making the report, so we did not know if phone was in same house. Finally, the investigator woman said she would find us a police man to discuss case with-go and wait. We waited under the big tree out side the police station. My sister tried to call the lost Iphone and it went through... that meant the phone was switched on. Woohoo. I rushed to pull the tracking system on my phone to locate the current location. It came up and the phone had moved into the Accra area, the large capital of Ghana. It's about 45 min away with no traffic. I was so excited, I rushed in to show the investigator the new actual location of the phone.

The next thing I know, I have two police men in the back of my little blue Hyundai driving to Accra to find my phone. One was a very young police 'boy' dressed in blue police attire (minus the thong sandals). The other was a detective dressed in street clothes. So I drove into the city, not yet confident in my new Ghanaian driving skills... A longer story short. Police were unable to accurately find location using the map. I took the phone, used the map counting the paved roads that we passed to match with map and made it to our HOUSE. We parked outside, my phone was inside the concrete fenced yard. There were many young men lingering around the gate. So the police enter the complex, my sister and I in the car. After a couple of minutes, I told my sister to go inside gate and call my phone so she could here it ring the drum sounds. She entered the gate and a minute later ran into the street arms raised, jumping shouting we got it, we got the phone! I then entered the compound and police had my phone still in orange case in his and luckily. Luckily because after minute of talking to the young man who has the phone he darted to the back of the house. The police jumped over the porch railing and chased, but did not catch the boy. I think due to the thong sandals the dam police man was wearing!

After interrogation we left the house with the phone. We continued back to Ayikuma to make a presence in our neighborhood that we have the police involved. Word will spread the we were able to get phone back. I gave police some money for there help. Then back to police station , I thought in and out. But no.... They said, this was an investigation and we need to see the phone. You have to talk to women and tell what happened. Then wait to talk to the head police officer at the station. I graciously thanked them for their willingness to help me find my phone. No one had heard of the cell phone tracking system and were amazed how it worked.

Where the two meet: sex work and sex trafficking

In this blog I will be: 1.) connecting two prior posts Female Tourists Sexual Relations in the Caribbean: Condom use and HIV/AIDS and Human Trafficking: A Global Social Problem; 2.) present sex work-prostitution debate; 3.) present the basics of the 2000 Trafficking Victims Protection Act, including critics response to the policy; and 4.) present some aspects of the harm reduction model.

The post on female sexual relations takes a sex worker stance on the sexual encounters between the female tourists and local Caribbean males, while focusing on the importance of reducing harm by protection against HIV/AIDS. The other post on human trafficking uses more language associated with sex tourism, sexual exploitation and prostitution.

The topics of sex tourism, sex work/prostitution and human trafficking are distinct but intersect with one another. Leaving out the human trafficking component, there are different perspectives (debate) on sex work and prostitution. Briefly, the sex worker stance is to legitimize “prostitution” as a form of work and decriminalize it so that the industry could be better regulated to prevent harm. Where then the sex workers could be protected by laws. I would say they use a harm reduction model to promote safety for the worker and client. The other side of the debate thinks that prostitution is terrible and should be banned. The United States policy—Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) 2000—takes an abolitionist approach to prostitution. Funds for anti-trafficking work through NGO’s are only distributed to organizations that come out against prostitution. The “sex work vs. prostitution” debate is important here because it is a frame of reference; it changes how you view, work with and the services provided to people who have sex for an income. It is also important because it is at the base of United States policy against human trafficking.

In the late 1990’s, the U.S. government became concerned with human trafficking. Bill Clinton set out an anti-trafficking strategy which encompassed three main objectives: 1) prevention, 2) protection and support of victims, and 3) prosecution of traffickers. This strategy became the basis for the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 (VTVPA). The VTVPA was created by combining the Violence against Women Act of 2000 and the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (Miko, 2002). I am focusing just on the Trafficking Victims Protection Act section of the overall policy. The TVPA, interestingly, is a domestic policy as well as a United States foreign policy.

TVPA created:
1. Definition of “severe forms of trafficking”
2. ‘Minimum standards’ for the elimination of human trafficking
3. Trafficking in Persons report (TIP)
4. Interagency Task Force to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons
5. “T” visa
6. Domestic Prosecutions
7. International Programs
8. International Sanctions

Critics of the TVPA, state numerous latent intentions of the policy. Desyllas (2007) states that the policy promotes ethnocentric language and a hegemonic position of the Global North, which defines the problem and creates the policy. Others argue along the same line, that the TVPA perpetuates imperialism by imposing the United States’ requirements and values on other countries and cultures (Clawson, 2003). Some critics say the victim-centered approach to human trafficking perpetuates the above characteristics by viewing “3rd” world women as weak and helpless and need to be saved or rescued (Desyllas, 2007 & Sharma, 2005). The Global Alliance against Trafficking in Women (GAATW) believes that the victim-center approach, represented in the TVPA, actually violates human rights, rather than upholding them (Huckerby, 2007). Others believe that the policy and anti-trafficking legislation is a form of immigration control, which arises and becomes a public concern with historic periods of increased migration (Desyllas, 2007, & Sharma, 2005).

Ten years sense the signing of the TVPA in 2000, many new programs have been formed to implement the policy; however, the long term impact is still not fully known. A variety of sources claim, it is hard to prove if the TVPA has had any significant impact internationally or domestically on ‘combating’ human trafficking, due to the unreliability of statistics. There are large variations in the numbers of trafficked persons into the United States; reports show that 14,000 up to 50,000 people are trafficked into the United States annually. Large fluctuations occur in governmental statistics in just a few years, making it hard to evaluate the impact of the TVPA (Tiefenburn, 2004, Huckerby, 2007, Miko 2002). The Department of Justice has also recognized that the data on the numbers in the U.S and worldwide need to be re-examined (Huckerby, 2007). Another problem with gauging the actual number of human trafficking victims is escalated by the lack of agreement of who should or is considered a victim. Often smuggled humans and trafficked humans are counted together, leading to inconsistent data (Schauer et al., 2006). As you can see, the TVPA has its share critics and problems. But what is the root cause of the human trafficking problem?

Poverty.

Personally, I look at sex work and sex trafficking on a continuum. Sex work is on one end of the continuum where two consenting adults are choosing sexual relations (often as a means to alleviate poverty). A lot of sex work is not tied to human trafficking at all. Sex trafficking is way on the other side of the continuum where women, men, and children are forced, coerced, kidnapped, or deceived into sex trafficking. I, like many others, believe that poverty is the greatest contributing factor to sex trafficking.

Sex work itself does not come without high levels of risk. Cusick (2006) describes within the various sex market there are a mixture of heightened vulnerability that increases harms to sex workers including: pimps, drug use, traffickers, violence, child abuse, sexually transmitted infections, effects on self-esteem and mental health. The author made clear that levels of vulnerably and harms are not universal in all sex markets. Money, drug dependency and sometimes status and lifestyle factors reinforce sex work. The article found a few personal vulnerabilities thought to lead to sex work including: mental health issues, low self-esteem, childhood neglect or abuse, family inadequacy, moral failing, and youth deviance (p. 2).

Cusick (2006) promotes the harm reduction (drug use model) approach to sex work, which does not mean that harm reductionists reject the abolitionist/prohibitionist ideal but rather recognizes that “abstinence programs cannot reduce harm to current users (sex workers)” (p. 7). To the author, promoting the harm reduction model means reducing existing vulnerability among sex workers.

As with any issue, the complexity is enormous but social workers can work on many levels to reduce harm associated with sex work. Social workers, as harm reductionists, working with sex workers need to be aware of the personal backgrounds, circumstances, motivations, and heightened vulnerability of the sex worker populations. Micro and macro practice are needed to insure their health and safety. While the TVPA does not use a harm reduction framework, it has created a domestic and international policy that has created a common ground for discussion, created definitions, and offered solutions to alleviate human trafficking on a global level. Wood (2008) identified a common ground: “What are the areas of agreement between the abolitionist/prohibitionist perspective and the human rights/harm reduction perspective?... We all agree that forced labor is wrong. We all agree that nonconsensual sex is wrong” (p. 2).

Clawson, H., Small, K., Go, E., & Myles, B. (2003). Needs assessment for service providers and trafficking victims. Prepared for U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.

Cusick, L. (2006). Widening the harm reduction agenda: From drug use to sex work. International Journal of Drug Policy. 17(1); 3-11.

Desyllas, M. (2007). A critique of the global trafficking discourse and U.S. policy. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare. 34(4); 57-79.

Huckerby, J. (2007). United States of America. Collateral damage: the impact of anti trafficking measures on human rights around the world (pp. 230-256). Thailand: Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women. Retrieved July 28, 2008, from http://www.gaatw.org/

Miko, F. (2002). Trafficking in women and children: The U.S. and international response. Congressional Research Services Reports 98-647 C. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.

Schauer, E., & Wheaton, E. (2006). Sex trafficking into the united states: A literature review. Criminal Justice Review. 31(2); 146-69.

Sharma, N. (2005). Anti-trafficking rhetoric and the making of a global apartheid. NWSA Journal. 17(3); 88-111.

Tiefenbrun, S. (2005). Sex slavery in the united states and its law to stop it here and abroad. William and Mary Journal of Women and the Law. 11; 1-28.

Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, P.L. No. 106-386, Div. A., 114 Stat. 1464, enacted October 28, 2000. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.

Wood, E. (2008). Sex in the public square presents: Sex work, trafficking, and human rights: A public forum New York, February 20, 2008. Retrieved April 1, 2010 from http://www.speardmagazine.org/blog/?p=146

Female Tourists Sexual Relations in the Caribbean: Condom Use and HIV/AIDS

Sex tourism has been long conceptualized as foreign men traveling to South East Asia to have sex with female or male commercial sex workers and children. In the 1990s, research started coming out about female sex tourism in the Caribbean. From then-until now, most literature/research on female tourist sexual relations with local Caribbean males—known commonly as beach boy, rent-a-dread or snaky panky—have been to prove or disprove that these relationships are or are not “sex tourism.” Is this sex tourism, romance tourism or maybe companionship tourism? Based on these studies particular gaps and inconsistencies were apparent, which includes the rates that condoms were used in the sexual relations between the local men and female tourists. Due to multiple contributing factors, tourist areas are epicenters for the transmission of HIV/AIDS. The low levels of condom use in these relationships pose a health risk to local and foreign populations.

The actual interactions between the beach boy and female tourist are fairly consistent, but the interpretation is where the debate lies. Studies about the sexual relations between female tourists and local men have been done in Jamaica, Barbados, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, and the Gambia-among a few others. Rather than focusing on the debate and the details or their relationships (characteristics and motives of beach boys, the seduction process, and female tourist motives), I am going to combine information previously researched on the sexual relationships of female tourists and local Caribbean males, with research on the tourism industry, to gain insight and determine the rates of male condoms used to prevent the transmission of HIV/AIDS.

Female Tourists
Studies throughout the Caribbean have common conclusions regarding sexual activities of female tourists and local male populations.

1. Many female tourists who travel alone engage in sexual relations with local populations (Forsythe, Hasbun & De Lister 1998; Herold, Garcia & DeMoya 2001; Taylor, 2000).


2. “True Love” or trusting relationships have a lower rate of condom use than “pearly physical” relationships (Taylor, 2001; Herold et al., 2001; Padilla, Guilamo-Romos, Bouris, & Reyes, 2010).


3. Female tourists are less likely to use condoms when engaging in sexual relations than male tourists (Forsythe et al., 1998; Taylor, 2001).

In the Dominican Republic, Herold et al. (2001) found that there is a common belief among beach boys that women who travel alone are seeking sexual relationships with local males. In this study, the beach boys estimated 70% of these women who travel alone would have a sexual relationship with a local male. This equaled about 1/3 of the women the beach boys approached. Taylor (2000) found that almost half of single tourist women in Jamaica had sexual relations with local men.

HIV/AIDS and Tourism
The UNAIDS (2009) reports that throughout the Caribbean region heterosexual transmission is the leading source of HIV infection rates, which can be tied sex work. Often when discussing sex work, the literature focuses on female sex workers or men who have sex with men (MSM). It is not until recently that there is a growing body of literature focusing particularly on male heterosexual sexual relations with female tourist populations. The thriving Caribbean tourist economy poses a considerable risk for local and foreigners. Risky sexual behavior among female tourists and local Caribbean males could lead to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and/or HIV/AIDS. The effect of STDs and HIV/AIDS transmission are continually a threat to the people of world. In the Caribbean alone 240,000 of the population is infected with the deadly virus (UNAIDS, 2009). The Caribbean has the second highest rate of HIV infections after Africa; Jamaica alone had a 9% infection rate among sex workers, in 2005. Padilla (2010) suggests that tourist areas are geographical, socially, and behaviorally distinct spaces that increase the risk associated with HIV/AIDS transmission (p. 71). Padilla (2010) points out that this increased risk for HIV transmission in tourist areas are due to four main reasons described as follows:

1. high HIV prevalence rates among sex workers and their clients,


2. high rates of HIV risk behaviors in tourism areas,


3. demographic changes resulting from labor migration, and


4. alcohol and drug use in tourism areas (p. 71).

According to Kempadoo (2004) and Padilla (2010), HIV rates are high among sex workers and migrant populations. The majority of young men working in tourist areas migrated from rural areas in search of economic advantages. Migration for labor purposes are often tied to sex work especially in tourist areas.

There have been concerns that the high rates of HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean could discourage tourists visiting the islands and affect the tourism industry. Forsythe et al., (1998) study in the Dominican Republic explored this concern. The research found that some tourists who engage in sexual relations believe HIV/AIDS rates are much higher than the actual prevalence; therefore, in these cases, the risk of HIV did not discourage sexual encounters. Single women traveling alone perceived their personal risk higher than men traveling alone. It was these people who perceived that their risk was high that would be the most receptive to HIV/AIDS prevention campaigns in the country. When making travel plans, the majority of tourists did not consider HIV/AIDS infection rates in the destination country.

Condom Use
When evaluating literature regarding the Caribbean in particular, there are inconsistencies in the actual rate that condoms are used among female tourists and Caribbean males. For example, Herold et al. (2001) found that in the Dominican Republic the beach boys response to how often they use condoms with female tourists was contradictory to the female tourists interviewed. The beach boys responded that condoms were mostly used during their first sexual encounter but decreased as the relationship progressed. The female tourist’s claimed using condoms every time they were involved in sexual activities. Common beliefs among beach boys were that overweight women were economically stable and less sexually experienced; therefore, the risk of contracting an STD or HIV/AIDS was reduced. Forsythe et al. (1998) interviewed hotel workers of those who engaged in sexual relations with female tourist and 95% of these hotel workers said they used condoms every time they had sex.

Taylors (2001) study, in Jamaica and the Dominican Republic found that 67% of the female tourist’s claimed using condoms as protection, much less than the previous studies suggested, while 15% used no protection at all. Interestedly, women seeking romance or were in ‘true love’ were less likely to use condoms than women seeking ‘purely physical’ or casual sexual adventure. Also, the women who had multiple partners or who acknowledge ‘helping’ out the beach boy financially were more likely to use condoms. Previous studies have pointed out the age of the tourist, saying that older women are normally more financially stable and willing to give gifts or payments; many have purely physical motives, which in turn may lead to more condom use (Taylor, 2001).

This research is consistent with global studies that have documented the link between trusting relationships and decreased condom use (Padilla et al., 2010). Overall research on tourist relations suggests that female tourist use fewer condoms than male tourists, while engaging in heterosexual relationships with local populations. This research states that 75% of female tourists who have sex with local partners use no condom, while 42% of males do not use condoms (Forsythe et al, 1998).

Conclusion
Since the tourism industry brings people closer to one another, it is inevitable that sexual relations will occur. As more female tourist begin to travel alone, there will be more sexual relationships between local men and tourist women. Inconsistencies in condom rates were apparent between the female tourist and local males and between studies. It was found that purely sexual encounters are more likely to have openly economic incentives and increased condom use. On the other hand, romance is often built on ‘friendships,’ which produce trusting, emotional relationships and in turn decrease condom usage. Tourist areas represent unique spaces that are practically vulnerable to high rates of HIV/AIDS transmission.

Recommendations
Due to the unacknowledged/unawareness element (not fully discussed previously) of the beach boy and female tourist relationship, condom use campaigns and education cannot be approached the in the same way as purely sexual encounters by acknowledged sex workers and their clients. New and innovative techniques to promote safer sexual practice have to be created to reach this particular population. Creating ways to encourage safer sexual practices between female tourists and local males will ultimately minimize the risk of transmission HIV/AIDS.

A more thorough investigation of the tourism industry and practically tourist areas in the Caribbean and throughout the world need to be explored more fully to understand the complex and unique social, geographic, behavioral patterns in regards to the sexual relations between the female tourists and local males. The tourist centers mix multiple high risk populations, alcohol/drug use, and a low level of condom use creates and epicenter for STDs and HIV/AIDS transmission. Reducing the spread of STDs and HIV/AIDS, by encouraging greater awareness among foreign women and local males, regarding their own personal risk of contracting and/or spreading STDs and HIV/AIDS, is crucial to the development of our societies and for people to lead full healthy lives.

Forsythe, S., Hasbun, J., & De Lister, M. (1998). Protecting paradise: tourism and AIDS in the
Dominican Republic. Health Policy and Planning. 13(3), 277-286.

Herold, E., Garcia, R., & DeMoya, T. (2001). Female tourists and beach boys romance or sex
tourism? Annals of Tourism Research, 28(4), 978-997.

Kempadoo, K. (2004). Sexing the Caribbean: Gender, race, and sexual labor. Dying for sex:
HIV/AIDS and other dangers (p. 167-190). New York, NY: Routledge.

Padilla, M., Bouris, A., & Reyes, A. (2010). HIV/AIDS and tourism in the Caribbean: An
ecological systems perspective. American Journal of Public Health, 100(1), 70-77.

Taylor, S. J. (2001). Dollars are a girl’s best friend? Female tourists’ sexual behavior in
the Caribbean. Sociology, 35(3), 749-764.

Taylor, S. J. (2000). Tourism and ‘embodied’ commodities: sex tourism in the Caribbean. S.
Clifts & S. Carter (Eds.), Tourism and sex: Culture, commerce and coercion (p. 41-53). London, England: Pinter.

UNAIDS. (2009). AIDS epidemic report. December 2009, from
http://data.unaids.org/pub/Report/2009/JC1700_Epi_Update_2009_en.pdf

Human Trafficking: A Global Social Problem

The United States defines trafficking in persons as follows, “All acts involved in the transport, harboring, or sale of persons within national or across international borders through coercion, force, kidnapping, deception or fraud, for purposes of placing persons in situations of forced labor or services, such as forced prostitution, domestic servitude, debt bondage or other slavery like conditions” (Department of State, 2009). The common denominator is the use of force, fraud, or coercion to exploit a person for profit. The U.S. estimates that there are around 800,000 people trafficked across national borders annually. The International Labor Organization estimates that at any one time in the world, 12.3 million people are held in modern day slavery of forced labor, bonded labor, forced child labor and sexual servitude (Department of State, 2009).

Human trafficking is a global problem; it is considered the world’s fastest growing criminal enterprise. Virtually all nations are touched by human trafficking as either a source, transit and/or destination country. Patterns of trafficking generally flow from poorer to wealthier countries. Many factors contribute to the increasing commoditization of humans. Traffickers use impoverished conditions to their advantage. In many cases supply countries have high rates of poverty, violence and corruption. Many people seek a way out of poverty, and therefore are open to deception of a false promise of a better life (Clawson, Small, Go, & Myles, 2003). The demand for cheap labor and sexual services create the market. Also, globalization of the world economy and the sex industry has magnified the human trafficking (Raymond, 2003).

The U.S. Department of State (2009) estimates that 50,000 people are trafficked into the United States annually. The main demand worldwide for trafficking in persons is for labor; however, the sex industry is the main demand of the women and children trafficked into the United States (Nowak, 2007). The U.S is the second largest destination country for women and children trafficked for sexual exploitation, lead only by Germany. The women and girls are mainly supplied from Asia, Mexico, and the former Soviet Bloc (Schauer & Wheaton, 2006). According to Huckerby (2007), about half of the cases of human trafficking in the U.S. are for labor purposes such as (sweatshop labor, domestic servitude, agricultural work, maid service, peddling and begging), while the other half is to support the sex industry (prostitution, stripping and massage parlor services).

The most influential anti-trafficking organization in the United States is the Coalition against Trafficking in Women (CATW). Other organizations or groups include: the Protection Project, the Polaris Project, the Freedom Network, Human Rights Watch, city-wide coalitions, feminist and prostitution abolitionists groups, faith-based organizations, along with children rights advocates, and labor rights groups etc.

There are a limited number of NGO’s that are explicitly designed for trafficking victims; however, other organizations like domestic violence shelters, sexual assault clinics, human rights advocates, and/or refugee services offer service to the population. These NGO’s may be federally-funded, state-funded, and/or privately funded (Clawson et al., 2003). Busch, Fond and Williamson (2004) explain how domestic violence services are a vital part of the service delivery system to women who are victims of trafficking, due to the similarity of emotional, psychological and physical abuses. Two large faith-based organization, the United Sates Conference of Catholic Bishops and the Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Services work with the U.S. government to offer services to trafficking victim who are the age of 18. Also, the Salvation Army provides services to trafficking victims, which may include: temporary housing services, drug and alcohol treatment, primary health care, employment services, and life skills classes (Clawson et al., 2003).

The roles of social workers and social service providers serving victims of human trafficking are all encompassing from offering direct services, to advocating for their rights, to creating legislation. Nowak (2007) describe the role of the service provider to fill the gap that is not filled by federal, state, or local government levels. The author states, “social workers often can tap into food banks, thrift or charity stores, agency emergency assistance programs, domestic violence shelters, youth shelters, school-based programs, religious organizations and pro-bono attorneys to meet the pressing needs of identified victims” (p. 13).

Over the past few years, movies the Opera show and National Geographic have been trying to raise people's awareness to the severity of human trafficking domesically and internationally. Most people are aware of the case that has been in the media regarding the Americans who were caught trying to take the kids from Haiti. Who knows if we will ever find out the real motives behind these people. Interestingly, Haiti has been considered a 'special case' under the annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report for the past four years, due to civil unrest, lack of government, and corruption. The new government has not been able to address human trafficking. The current situation, after the January 12 earthquake, will probably increase the trafficking of Haitians domestically and internationally. Hopefully, Haiti and destination countries will be closely monitored for such activities.

Busch, N., Fong, Rowena., & Williamson, J. (2004). Human trafficking and domestic violence:
Comparisons in research methodology needs and strategies. Journal of Social Work Research and Evaluation, 5(2), 137-147.

Clawson, H., Small, K., Go, E., & Myles, B. (2003). Needs assessment for service providers
and trafficking victims. Prepared for U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of
Justice. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.

Department of State (2009). Trafficking in Persons Report, June. Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office. Retrieved March 30, 2009, from http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/2009/

Huckerby, J. (2007). United States of America. Collateral damage: the impact of anti-trafficking measures on human rights around the world (pp. 230-256). Thailand: Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women. Retrieved July 28, 2008, from http://www.gaatw.org/

Nowak, B. (2007). Modern day slavery: The United States responds to human trafficking.
Personal copy, retrieved November, 2007.

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Agriculture and Social Work Practice

I would like to pull together two prior blog posts, Single Women’s Land Rights in India and Buying Cheep Land for Foreign Greed, with some insight and information on the role of agriculture in social work practice. This post will be focused on sustainable development and my own agricultural background in my rural hometown in the United States. I also will be drawing in different personal stories, experiences and interests about rural life, agriculture and market women. We will travel from my home town, to Grenada and then Ghana.

Rural peoples connection with the land is often vital to survival whether subsistence farming, using machines to harvest large monocrops, or to raise livestock to sell and/or eat. In my home town, as the rivers, creeks, slough and streams meander through the valley, they are surrounded by either pastoral land for cattle or agricultural land for farming. The main crops grown in Scott Valley are alfalfa and grass. As my family moved around various locations throughout the valley, during my childhood, the house we lived in for about 10 years was a historical landmark called the Meamber School house. It was a one room school house built in 1879, which was re-modeled into a 2 bed, 2 bath house. Our house was part of a ranch called The Pastures of Heaven. The view from my house was mountains, alfalfa fields, the Scott River and pasture land. My immediate yard was full of voluminous flowers, green grass, and a large garden. If you entered our garden you would have seen a patch of strawberries, rows of corn, lettuce, carrots, mounds of yellow crook neck squash and cucumbers, and small cherry tomato's next to the larger mouth watering deep red ones. In the front of our property we had potato's and winter squash covering the ground. I always joke with my mom about how weeding and gardening used to be a continual chore for my brother and I, but today, I love working in the soil, and long for a climate and land to plant an enormous garden. While gardening was a passion of my moms, it was also a necessity to help support us through the summer months and into the winter. From junior high through high school, my job was also taking care of a private flower garden that was often used for local weddings throughout the summer months, located on the Nasas Ranch. It seemed, for years, all I did during the spring into the fall was gardening.

Our community survived on farming. Most teen boys moved hand and/or wheel lines before and after school. Families ran farms, tilling the soil in the fall or early spring, planting, cutting hay, and bailing from late in the night into the early morning. Many people’s lives revolved around the seasons and agriculture. While my farming and agricultural experience are very different from peoples around the world, there are also similarities in this remarkable tie to the land.

Know wonder why, the first time I went abroad my draw was to the market. The first time I left the United States was on an Anthropological fields study program through Humboldt State to Grenada, in the West Indies. Our assignment was to do an ethnography. My ethnography was around market women including such things as: how far they traveled to reach the market, how often they came, were they themselves farmers or were they middle women selling others food crops, what food crops were they selling etc. Markets are full of life, while seeming often hectic to outsiders, markets are thriving spots for local economies, business deals, and socialization. Markets are normally held on particular day or a couple times a week. It is an amazing site to see the transformation of market areas from one day to the next.

When I first lived in Ghana for 6 months, I was attending the University of Legon, which is in the outskirts of Accra, the capital city. I remember telling my mom through a delayed phone conversation, while in Accra, that the city wasn’t so bad because it was a combination of urban and rural. People were friendly, and there were dirt roads, not just concrete masses, there were chickens, goats and the random pig around the neighborhood, which all made me feel comfortable in the unknown city-bombarding me with millions of people, the hustle and bustle, and taxis and tro-tros zooming here and there. I was supposed to be living in the hostels (dorms), but I couldn't handle it, not being able to cook my own food and not having my own place. So, I moved in with a Korean man, Nigerian man, and some Ghanaians in a house not too far from the college. I created a small area to grow some veggies (I left before they could mature). When I was not in school, I spent a lot of time visiting the local market in Madina. The market was a great place to practice my language skills, meet people and learn about life. I became familiar to a few women who sold daily at the market, knowing I would always buy from them they welcomed conversation and insight. Many women, especially in rural areas, travel long distances by walking or on public transport to make it to the market to sell their food or merchandise.

Agriculture is an essential part of rural life in many parts of the world; I have seen it in my home town in California, Grenada, and Ghana. Schobert and Barron (2004) provide information on the role of social work practice in sustainable agricultural development. According to Schobert and Barron (2004), sustainable development is “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (p. 182). Social workers, especially in rural areas, could be involved in sustainable development programs internationally or domestically. Social work skills like joining, networking, assessing, educating, organizing and advocating are important to development work.


Sustainable development programs span many areas of development from rural and urban community development, financial development, environmental development, and agricultural development. The authors describe David Brown’s 4 dimensions of sustainable development: ecological, economic, political, and cultural (182). They present a framework, based on these four dimensions, for practicing sustainable development which includes: joining strategies, education and consciousness-raising, empowerment, community organizing, and collective action (p 183-184). Schobert and Barron (2004) believe that there is a role for social workers in sustainable agriculture throughout the world. They substantiate their argument by using National Association of Social Workers policy statements regarding rural social work, community development and environmental policy.

I see the interdependence with the land and rural people’s way of life; therefore, social work practice is about agriculture, as it is about all areas of life, nothing is separate here. Land provides food, land provides roots, land provides safety and security, and often land is tied to ancestral and spiritual life. Schobert and Barron (2004) provide information on sustainable development models they believe will help meet the needs of people presently and into the future. My prior blogs discussed the significance of land and agriculture to the Africans whose land is being grabbed by foreign governments, and the single women’s struggle to secure land for farming in Northern India. Both of these blogs and my stories here show how land and its life sustaining attributes are vital to people’s well-being.

Schobert, M., & Barron, D. (2004). Community development in an international setting: The role of sustainable agriculture in social work practice (178-191). Scales, L., & Streeter, C. (Eds.). Rural social work: Building and sustaining community assets. Belmont, Ca: Thomson Learning, Inc.